In view of the return of war in Europe and the unprecedented global challenges, the Joint Declaration by Prime Minister Starmer and Chancellor Scholz is promising. Europe – not just the EU – needs to be strengthened as a global player, and German-British relations in particular could become an important driving force here. Most importantly and above all, the joint declaration and the envisaged bilateral cooperation treaty indicate what a “Global Britain” strategy under Labour might look like: a cautious and pragmatic reset of the UK’s relations with like-minded and close partners, at least for now, which seeks to regain trust internationally that was lost during the “Brexit” years, gain support for intergovernmental cooperation with European partners and boost economic growth in the long-run.
Yet, it also became clear that it is no time for experiments, as the red lines on the single market and the customs union were restated by the Prime Minister in Berlin. The stakes are simply too high at this point. This is true for both sides because a deeper economic and trade cooperation would reopen the Pandora’s box on Britain’s relationship with the EU in the UK. And on the other side of the channel, it seems highly unlikely at this stage that a domestically weakened coalition government in Berlin will be able to pull its weight advocating for closer EU-UK economic ties with other EU member states and a new Commission in Brussels. What is realistic and welcome is the envisaged bilateral defence pact, strengthening intergovernmental dialogue and cooperation, as well as fostering ties of civil society between both countries as a bulwark against the threats to democracy from the far-right.
In the run-up to Starmer’s and Scholz’ joint declaration, both of their parties, the Labour Party and the SPD, have already supported a bilateral paper which puts forward concrete policy recommendations, particularly in the area of security. The work towards an agreement already begun under the Conservative government of Rishi Sunak in April 2024. Timing for working out the details as part of the bilateral cooperation agreement is crucial as the German electorate will head to the polls in 2025, and it is far from certain that the SPD and Chancellor Scholz will be at the head of a new government thereafter. This means that the agreement would need to be read in the Bundestag early in 2025 and ratified by the summer which is very ambitious.
According to Keir Starmer and Olaf Scholz, the bilateral treaty “shall reflect the rich ties between our two countries, peoples and governments across the breadth of our bilateral relationship, in full accordance with Germany’s membership of the EU, and the UK’s relationship with the EU”. However, under no circumstances should the aim be to deepen the German-British relationship at the expense of the EU. This would rightly provoke resistance in the EU member states. Above all, however, it would weaken not only the EU, but the Western community as a whole in its confrontation with the regimes in Russia or China. Instead, we should use these new strong relations to utilise their fruits not only in NATO, but also for global structured cooperation. The bilateral declaration already makes many concrete proposals, from the joint fight against migrant smuggling to energy partnerships.
Other ‘low hanging fruits’ are there to be picked. This applies to Germany’s support for the idea that the British Foreign Secretary could participate in the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels (what David Lammy has already accepted), to an expansion of the meetings in the so-called ‘Quad’ (Germany, France, the United Kingdom and the United States of America), to a joint statement on the need to reform the UN Security Council and the goal of a permanent seat for the Federal Republic of Germany in this body.
However, good intergovernmental cooperation in the sense of public diplomacy also thrives on maintaining close relations between the respective civil societies. The very lively bilateral political and cultural relations between the United Kingdom and Germany must be given special support, especially after Brexit, and must not be left to their own devices. They are of inestimable value for the relationship between both countries and require special care. Germany and the UK can already build on a strong foundation, which has unfortunately begun to crack as a result of Brexit:
In addition to over 480 city partnerships, the Goethe-Institut London, the DAAD, the German School London, the German Historical Institute and the bilateral youth exchange office UK-German Connection have established strong roots in bilateral relations over many decades.
The trade associations mediate contacts on both sides and provide important advice for companies, especially after Brexit. They also maintain long-standing relationships. Bilateral scientific cooperation flourished until Brexit. According to statistics from the German Rectors’ Conference, there were 1,661 official collaborations between Germany and the United Kingdom in 2019.
On the British side, the British Council has been an important mediator for many years. Other organisations include the British German Association, the British-German Forum, the Sullivan Society, the Institute for Cultural Diplomacy and the Wilton Park Conference, as well as countless private initiatives in education, research, language exchange and journalism, such as the George Weidenfeld Bursary.
With the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, the Hans-Seidel-Stiftung and the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, some of the German political foundations that are more than important for bilateral understanding are also based in the UK. More should be added. They also form an indispensable foundation for dialogue. There have long been calls for the establishment of a German-British youth organisation. A bilateral agreement must include such a declaration of intent.
The continuation of all these programmes is not guaranteed after Brexit. With the end of freedom of movement for all those involved in this important area, filling positions is more difficult, very expensive and in some cases even impossible. In view of empty coffers in Germany and the UK, the question rightly arises whether tax money could not be better used for joint activities instead of for visa fees or double social security contributions. Moreover, gaining international experience has become a social issue. Do we really want to leave it only to the privileged to be able to do an internship or study in another country? To simplify the admission of labour in the sphere of civil society does not mean “free movement of people” but it implies tailor made visa procedures.
Going forward, there may be an even more important area of cooperation as part of the treaty that would give the reset of the relationship a more distinct political direction and serve as a stark reminder that Germany and the UK will not be shaken by Brexit, but on the contrary will do everything they can to ensure that the valuable ties are not severed in the interest of common values. In his opening words, the Prime Minister expressed his condolences for the victims of the horrendous terror act in Solingen, which happened a few days before his visit to Berlin. The terrorist attack by the suspect, a Syrian refugee and suspected member of the Islamist State group, further heated up the debate on migration in the run-up to the state elections in Saxony in Thuringia last weekend and, arguably, contributed to the far-right’s first electoral victory since World War II in Thuringia (and the Alternative for Deutschland (AfD) became a close second in Saxony). Lately, Britain has also had experiences with divisions the far-right may spur, with riots in 20 cities across the country following the fatal stabbing of three young girls in the town of Southport. The common ground between the governments in Berlin and London is that there is no tolerance for right-wing politics that is hostile to democratic institutions and minorities living in Britain and Germany. Given the history of the first half of the 20th century that bounds both countries together, building and expanding the rich traditions of civil society cooperation may well serve as the narrative of this bilateral treaty.
To read more about how Labour can mend the UK’s ties with the EU, see ‘The local election results show voters have moved on from Brexit. It is time for the Labour Party to do the same.’
